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On their view, race is neither a transhistorical phenomenon with a fixed meaning nor a biological fact; rather, it is a dynamic and unstable concept whose influence structures both the ways individuals conceive of their own identity and that of others, and the political concerns and efforts of the state. The full text of this article hosted at iucr. If you do not receive an email within 10 minutes, your email address may not be registered, and you may need to create a new Wiley Online Library account.

If the address matches an existing account you will receive an email with instructions to retrieve your username. Tools Request permission Export citation Add to favorites Track citation. Share Give access Share full text access. Share full text access. Please review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article. Get access to the full version of this article. View access options below. You previously purchased this article through ReadCube. Institutional Login. Log in to Wiley Online Library. But the racial formation so central to the USAmeri- can6 psyche, structured on racial binaries, was also structur- ing other elements such as gender, sexuality, and class Holland ; see also Ferguson , making it more complex then and today see Martinez HoSang, LaBennett, and Pulido Sexuality is also socially constructed, whereby sexual meanings, identities, and categories are socially situated within a given historical point in time and negotiated intersubjectively Foucault []; Epstein To fully conceptualize our understandings of sexual- ity, we find it imperative to define the following terms: sexual orientation, gender identity, and the gendering of sexuality.

Iterations of sexual orientation include hetero- sexual, bisexual, gay or lesbian, pan-sexual, or other types of orientation. Gender, gender identity, and gender expres- sion are also complex in their relationship to each other, as well as to notions of sex; furthermore, gendering takes shape in racialized ways Kitch and in reference to corpore- ality, embodiment, and body shape, but also class, citizen- ship, and culture. In most western societies, sex is often seen as dangerous and constructed within a negativity discourse Rubin []. However, certain sexuality — primarily marital, reproductive heterosexuality — is hierar- chically ranked as the most socially respectable, conferring upon individuals who enact and embody this form of sexual- ity many rewards, including legal, social, physical, material, and institutional benefits.

This ranking creates a sexual stigma against those who do not perform this mode of sexual enactment and embodiment, relegating non-hetero- sexual individuals and non-heteronormative sexual practices to a lower realm of social approvability. This logic shapes many state practices and policies, not limited to access to marriage and state-sanctioned benefits for monogamous, heterosexual, married couples. This binary is so powerful that men who engage in any form of same-sex sexual behavior are often seen as gay, erasing the possibility of bisexuality or any other iden- tity.

Therefore, the meaning of sexuality is also tied to gender, whereby in many societies gender is often seen as a binary of man and woman. This binary framing erases the lives of people who do not fit neatly into it, including some transgender people, genderqueer people, and gender-expansive and non- binary individuals. Today, sexuality and gender are often intimately related within societies. If a woman is attracted exclusively or mainly to men, she may identify as heterosexual.

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However, this is based on a construction of a gender binary and a cisgender identity; transgender people tend to challenge the assumption that to have a sexual orientation, one must identify with or require a gender Vidal-Ortiz But not all transgender people reject a gender identification of themselves and their part- ners; furthermore, a fluid set of identities for some transgen- der people may not always represent the same experience for their partners, especially when coming from gay, lesbian, or bisexual communities Pfeffer To speak of racial formations as the foundation of the United States Omi and Winant requires a brief discussion of the raced and classed aspects of slavery and the wealthy, and the classed, raced, and gender lines sustained in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.

Such racial formation — already classed and demarcating a distinctive set of social relations between the two established genders — was compulsorily heterosexual as well. After slavery ended, African- American males could not demonstrate attraction toward white women, thus racially restricting a sexual crossing. Late in the s and into the s, in the so-called post- Reconstruction Era, the increased public portrayal of black men as rapists, combined with the previously mentioned gendered-racialized perception of white women as innocent, resulted in the lynchings of African-American men Beder- man ; Gunning ; see also Kitch Collins links norms of sexuality to raced and classed epithets born from this era e.

With the increased temporal arrival of Asian immigrant workers in particular, Chinese men; see Nakano Glenn , and after the US claiming of a large portion of Mexico and the presence of Mexicans in California Almaguer and the Southwest, the racial understandings of citizenship made for a rocky set of legal battles, while immigration and settlement continued to make the United States, in particular the West, more Asian than before Shah ; see also Zia In the case of immi- grant men who wanted to achieve US citizenship, masculin- ity, not just sexuality and race, became a relevant factor.

Significantly, while the last decades of the nineteenth century presented the hyper-masculinization of black men read as being on the prowl through processes of gendered migration and temporary employment in the United States, Asian men were portrayed as effeminate and asexual. In , when the Spanish-American war resulted in the conquering of Puerto Rico, the separation of Cuba from Spain, and the complicated relationship with the Philip- pines and other Pacific islands, the United States provoked a series of added migrations from the Caribbean and the Pacific, given this more complex geopolitical relationship.

After this war, Manila, in the Philippines, became for many a place for temporary employment as a means to eventu- ally migrate to the United States Shah The beginning of the twentieth century saw increased militarization internationally, which also meant that further power relations with many Global South countries were solidified. The use of racial categories was subjective and related to aspects of citi- zenship and class, not just race; there was also elasticity for some groups — Mexicans, for instance, were considered a race in the Census, later on returning to a different nomenclature Nobles Incidentally, like Cuba and like African Americans in the United States, Mexico also produced racial discourses in their late nineteenth-century and early twentieth-century literature in response to the expansion of the United States; see Luis-Brown During the last decades of the nineteenth century and the first decades of the twentieth, the social mobility of race and class was tested constantly; these swings also caused com- motion within the realms of erotic labor and sexual desire McClintock , The civil rights efforts of the mids also resulted in challenges to the status quo.

A consciousness-raising around equal rights for black people invigorated a challenge to the law and the imposition of segregated spaces. By the late twentieth century, many social spaces, including schools and places of employment, were no longer racially homogeneous. As issues pertaining to gender and sexuality came to the fore, these social spaces carried the legacy of racial conflict from years prior, while simultaneously hosting newly growing tensions relative to other axes of identity.

For example, movies such as West Side Story, early on, and later Do the Right Thing, became stories about gender and sexuality, not just tensions or mixings of race and nationality. The last decades of the twentieth century and the begin- ning of the twenty-first century have shown an even more complex relationship of racial groups, with the events of September 11, , namely, the attacks attributed to al- Qaeda that destroyed the Twin Towers in New York City.

The US response to these attacks was to begin wars against several countries, with an increased stigmatization of Arabs, Muslims, Middle Easterners, and South Asians a disparate group of peoples whose range of ethno-racial, religious, and geographical differences do not merit profiling. This multidiscipli- nary approach prompts us to map our view of the fields that influence this book and to delineate the uneven influence of the fields of study we depend on.

While the humanities and social sciences have been the primary fields examining this interaction between race and sexuality as a topic of analysis, their work on these connections has been unequal. For the social sciences, feminist studies and black studies have operated implicitly as distinct fields — with black studies mainly focusing on race and feminist studies mainly focusing on gender — until intersectionality emerged.

In fields such as sexuality and queer studies, the linkages to thinking about this tripartite are still seldom evidenced — the dearth of queer theoretical scholar- ship addressing these as interlocked forms of regulation has only been redressed in the last few years, given the newer waves of queer migration, queer diasporas, queer-of-color critiques, and a new queer cultural studies lens. More specifically, Kitch demonstrates how, even as racial systems became elastic to accommodate newer racial groups and categories, there remained a gendered structure that was enacted through a set of specific varia- bles, which she explores: bodies, blood, and citizenship.

Other work in the humanities some already mentioned has also documented the interconnectivities of race and sexuality. McClintock , Somerville , and Smith have shown historically how colonialism, slavery, and genocide have shaped the racial and sexual formations of society in inter-articulated ways.

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Ross documents how same-sex sexuality is constitutive of the historical con- struction of black manhood, and Johnson records oral histories from black gay men in the South to chal- lenge regional stereotypes about people in the South and to recover untold stories about men of color building sexual relationships with each other. Standing on the shoulders of some of these giants, this book delves into questions of the interrelation of aspects of sexuality and race as intrinsically inseparable elements con- stitutive of the social organization of our contemporary world.

It does so by treating race and sexuality, together, as a critical lens through which to understand social arrange- ments and hierarchies, and the resulting sociocultural read- ings of difference. Our book connects these areas of study and lived experiences in ways that aim to loop back into black feminist thought, other feminists-of-color theorizing, and other linkages of sexed, sexualized, and racial matters.

In doing so, we interrogate the rigidity of constructions not only of race but of gender and sexuality as well. This notion of cultural and social production spans the cross-cultural, through which it becomes evident that what essentially counts as race or sexuality and the ways those things are discussed varies across time and space. To fully contextualize the relationship between race and sexuality, we include historical examples that illustrate the interconnected relationship between the two.

Racial and sexual formations are discussed in terms of the Chinese Exclusion Act, the war on terrorism, and various exam- ples of the treatment of Global South countries throughout the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. We use frameworks that trace fields of study in social scientific and humanities studies; from sexuality and ethnic studies to intersectional- ity, to an understanding of mutually constitutive, or inter- articulation-based analyses.

We move beyond the media-driven aspect of representation into a structural, discursive, and even an everyday level of analysis. The chapters you are about to read speak to lived experiences relative to sexuality and race, especially their intertwining constitution. The fol- lowing chapters also speak to the institutions and systems that perpetuate the racial and sexual hierarchies ingrained in many societies today, but which were not established recently indeed, it is the inheritance of these systems, in our view, that solidifies their impact today.

Part I brings together two conceptual chapters that discuss, as two sides of the same coin, the systems that operate to make race and sexuality so compatible in these social and cultural readings, as well as the interactional level of experience — the mundane — in the connection of these two axes of power.

Equal Nationality Act of 1934

The discussion also includes processes of sexuali- zation as a way of understanding the role of sexual systems and gendered sexualities in conjunction with an ethno- racial analysis. Chapter 2 outlines the everyday accomplishment of these arrangements of racialized sexualities. This chapter com- bines the discussion about racial and sexual stereotypes in order to talk back to the systems in place by showing the centrality of whiteness, as well as heterosexism and homonormativity, in producing individualized notions of choice in race and sexuality biases.

In this chapter, we seek to dismantle some of the recent neoliberal notions of racial and sexual discrimination as being about personal choice, especially with reference to dating preferences. Part II of the book brings together three different case studies to show what we articulate as racialized sexualities and sexualized readings of race. Chapter 3 centers racialized sexualization in transnational human rights, where we examine the processes of sexualization rooted in the imagi- naries of the Global South.

We define transnational migra- tion as the movement of individuals between countries and continents, which facilitates a complex constellation of net- works and relationships between countries of origin and new countries. We situate migration in the relationship between the Global North and the Global South. These terms evolved in postcolonial studies to contextualize the relationship between countries in the West otherwise known as the Global North which possess a history of colonization and imperialism relative to Global South countries, which are the developing nations.

By noting the inter-articulated nature of race and sexuality in a transnational context, we uncover the linkages between presumed victimhood on behalf of the Global South and its relationship to the imperialism and colonization of the West. In chapter 4, we spotlight the relationship between race and sex work through various examples of sexual labor. Lastly, the conclusion offers a revisitation of the major themes discussed throughout the text. Through this revisita- tion, we link the myriad areas implicated by racialized sexu- alities to demonstrate their inextricability from our daily lives.

This book centers on the many ways in which racial- ized sexualities are communicated through what are under- stood as distinct experiences, including migration, sex work, and transnational human rights. By highlighting the shared significance of race and sexuality throughout all of these processes, we aim to demonstrate its power to constantly shape our experiences and realities in tangible ways.

While we cannot discuss every one of the influential texts, nor engage in all discussions that pertain to the topic of racialized sexualities, we aim to offer a foundational premise from which to build and form more scholarship. In a way, this book serves as a formulation of an argument that will endure in future arguments — whether in the social sciences, the humanities, or other interdisciplinary fields — so that the scholarship on race and sexuality continues to evolve into a study of sexualities that are often, if not already, racialized.

These are both everyday arguments, and subtle and complex ones — as the fabric of the social world. We expect that, in reading through these pages, you will consider and evaluate your own knowledge of cases of racialized sexualities in order to further show how race and sexuality are intertwined. Waking those examples up, and putting them in conversation with our case studies, is a crucial endeavor of thinking anew.

We welcome you to thinking, analyzing, and writing on these topics with us. When referring to race and sexuality as analytic terms, we generally retain the singular use; when referencing their co- constitutive relationship, as in racialized sexualities, we use the plural. We do this in order to 1 recognize sexuality, along with race and ethnic studies, as fields of study; 2 assert that there is no one form of sexuality studies, but multiple sexualities; and 3 that race and sexuality, when discussed as co-constitutive, are about the multiplicity of readings of sexuality in conversation with other axes of power — in this case, race.

In recent years, the emergence of a gender neutral term, Latinx, to counter the inherent gendered language in Spanish where we say Latino for a male of Latino heritage, and Latina for a female of Latino heritage has become popular. Lesbian, gay, and bisexual are sexual orientation categories of identity; transgender is a gender identity term that only sometimes includes gender expression.

We note that the relationship between gender identity and sexual orientation categories has been complicated in recent work Valentine ; however, it is important to also recognize that, while LGBT serves as an efficacious, coa- litional term at least in principle , gender as an institution often impacts trans women in more nuanced ways in their gendered relationship to other mainly cisgender women.

USAmerican better reflects the social location of people from, and living in, the United States, although there are other terms e. Chapter 1 Two Systems Operating Synchronously 1. Smith and Frazier recently reflected on the fortieth anniver- sary of the Combahee River Collective Statement at Social- ism conference. A person engaged in sexual behavior that might be deemed by others as homosexual does not automatically become socially understood as a non-heterosexual person. Intersex is often related to lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender identity inasmuch as the body, gender identity, and sexual orientation are summative elements for shared activism.


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Bederman, Gail. Bensonsmith, Dionne. Schneider and Helen M. Beran, Katie. Bernini, Lorenzo. Bernstein, Elizabeth. Bernstein, Elizabeth and Schaffner, Laurie eds. New York: Routledge. Berube, Allan. Bonilla-Silva, Eduardo. Bracke, Sarah. Brandzel, Amy L. Against Citizenship: The Violence of the Normative.

Brems, Eva. Brents, Barbara G. Brooks, Siobhan. Albany: State University of New York.

leondumoulin.nl/language/context/the-adventures-of-huckleberry.php Brown, David. Buggs, Shantel Gabriel. Butcher, Kate. Butler, Judith. Gender Trouble: Feminism and the Subver- sion of Identity. Undoing Gender. Cahill, Sean. Callis, April Scarlette. Calvert, Clay and Richards, Robert D. Canaday, Margot. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, pp. Naples and Salvador Vidal- Ortiz, eds Cervulle, Maxime. Chancer, Lynn S. Berkeley, CA: University of California. Chapkis, W. Chauncey, George. New York: Basic Books. Chavez, Leo R. Cheney, Kristen.

Chin, Christine B.


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New York: Oxford University Press. Chin Phua, Voon and Caras, Allison. Chow-White, Peter A. Chua, Peter and Fujino, Diana C. Chun, Christine. Williams Jr. Look, a White! Allen, Jerome M. Clubb, with assistance from Vincent A. The Correspondence of W. Black Southerners, John B. Brown, Gregory S. Parks, Clarenda M. Prayers for Dark People W. The Negro W. Fink, Merl E. Gatewood Jr. Randy Finley, Thomas A. Fletcher Sr. Franklin, Nancy L. Grant, Harold M. Glasrud, James M. Selling Black History for Carter G.